Towards a Composite Political Theory of India:
Against Supra-historical tendencies
Arun K Patnaik
Usually Indian intellectuals doing
a western political theory are caught with two extreme
kinds of discourses. One the one hand, our finest
minds are lost in the amazing world of derivative
discourses. Theoreticians here believe in crystallizing
India’s experiences with a western theory. S
A Dange, Partha Chatterjee and Gurpreet Mahajan are
exemplars of this tradition. On the other hand, weak
minds are lost in reacting against the sophistication
of derivative discourses and harp back on our traditions
and discard western discourses altogether. I call
this reactive discourse as autarkic theory. This theory
claims that our thoughts are self-sufficient. In case,
when the west theorises itself, they do not think
of us or our contributions. Why should we worry about
their theories, while we attempt to understand our
experiences? Savarkar’s formulation of Hindutva
belongs to this tradition. Every thing of the world
of nations is purged from his theory of Indian nation.
Also, the idea of one India one people is an echo
of this tradition. And so on, so forth. Historically,
autarkic theories gain wide acceptance only when derivative
discourses dominate our horizons. That is what is
happening right now in India. These two extreme forms
of theory feed into each other. They mirror each other.
I reject both these discourses and
propose a middle path theory which is alert to the
fact that India’s history is essentially the
history of Sangam humanities which is different from
the Western history in its pathways, historical processes
and historical outcomes. We must look for a theory
which will be able to capture this unity-in-diversity
story (in space) and continuity-in-change story (in
time) in India’s history. This history of India
is distinctive from European or American history.
Therefore, any attempt to borrow any model –
leftwing or liberal- from the west and apply it lock
stock barrel in Indian history is self-defeating and
will adversely affect our resources of history by
purging such resources out of our historical narratives
as Kosambi reminded us long back. While criticizing
Dange’s efforts in writing our history, Kosambi
argues that a derivative discourse like Dange’s
proposes a blind imitation of Engels’s model
of class analysis and paints our resources of caste
as resources of slavery. As a result, Indian Maxism
discovered slavery, instead of discovering caste system
in India. Borrowing models/theories blindly displaces
our resources, abstractions and so on. Thus, the story
of Sangam humanities is better captured by a new theory
which, following Nehru’s plea for composite
dialogue, may be characterized as a composite theory
of India which is neither derivative nor autarkic.